Nuestro sistema politico es absoleto pues recrea el poder economico y politico de trasnacionales y socios internos quienes impiden el desarrollo sostenido del pais. La nueva democracia tiene que armarse a partir de organizaciones de base en movimiento. Imposible seguir recreando el endeudamiento, el pillaje y la corrupcion. Urge reemplazar el presidencialismo por parlamentarismo emergido del poder local y regional. Desde aqui impulsaremos debate y movimiento de bases por una nueva democracia

Monday, May 31, 2004


by Michael Bakunin

I. La libertad es el unico culto de los revolucionarios y el unico camino hacia una sociedad sin amos ni dioses. El miedo a la libertad obstruye el progreso y desarrollo de la humanidad. El verdadero amor humano empieza justo en el amor a la libertad. [Note: added by Hugo Adan]

II. By replacing the cult of God by respect and love of humanity, we proclaim human reason as the only criterion of truth; human conscience as the basis of justice; individual and collective freedom as the only source of order in society.

III. Freedom is the absolute right of every adult man and woman to seek no other sanction for their acts than their own conscience and their own reason, being responsible first to themselves and then to the society which they have voluntarily accepted.

IV. It is not true that the freedom of one man is limited by that of other men. Man is really free to the extent that his freedom, fully acknowledged and mirrored by the free consent of his fellowmen, finds confirmation and expansion in their liberty. Man is truly free only among equally free men; the slavery of even one human being violates humanity and negates the freedom of all.

V. The freedom of each is therefore realizable only in the equality of all. The realization of freedom through equality, in principle and in fact, is justice.

VI. If there is one fundamental principle of human morality. it is freedom. To respect the freedom of your fellowman is duty; to love, help, and serve him is virtue.

VII. Absolute rejection of every authority including that which sacrifices freedom for the convenience of the state. Primitive society had no conception of freedom; and as society evolved, before the full awakening of human rationality and freedom, it passed through a stage controlled by human and divine authority. The political and economic structure of society must now be reorganized on the basis of freedom. Henceforth, order in society must result from the greatest possible realization of individual liberty, as well as of liberty on all levels of social organization.

VIII. The political and economic organization of social life must not, as at present, be directed from the summit to the base --the center to the circumference--imposing unity through forced centralization. On the contrary, it must be reorganized to issue from the base to the summit--from the circumference to the center--according to the principles of free association and federation.

IX. Political organization. It is impossible to determine a concrete, universal, and obligatory norm for the internal development and political organization of every nation. The life of each nation is subordinated to a plethora of different historical, geographical, and economic conditions, making it impossible to establish a model of organization equally valid for all. Any such attempt would be absolutely impractical. It would smother the richness and spontaneity of life which flourishes only in infinite diversity and, what is more, contradict the most fundamental principles of freedom. However, without certain absolutely essential conditions the practical realization of freedom will be forever impossible.

These conditions are:

A. The abolition of all state religions and all privileged churches, including those partially maintained or supported by state subsidies. Absolute liberty of every religion to build temples to their gods, and to pay and support their priests.

B. The churches considered as religious / corporations must never enjoy the same political rights accorded to the productive associations; nor can they be entrusted with the education of children; for they exist merely to negate morality and liberty and to profit from the lucrative practice of witchcraft.

C. Abolition of monarchy; establishment of a commonwealth.

D. Abolition of classes, ranks, and privileges; absolute equality of political rights for all men and women; universal suffrage. [Not in the state, but in the units of the new society. Note by Max Nettlau]

E. Abolition, dissolution, and moral, political, and economic dismantling of the all-pervasive, regimented, centralized State, the alter ego of the Church, and as such, the permanent cause of the impoverishment, brutalization, and enslavement of the multitude. This naturally entails the following: Abolition of all religious educational centers (Note: added by Hugo Adan) : public education must be administered only by the communes and free associations. Abolition of the state judiciary: all judges must be elected by the people. Abolition of all criminal, civil, and legal codes now administered by authoritarian regimes in Europe: because the code of liberty can be created only by liberty itself. Abolition of banks and all other institutions of state credit. Financial capital must be socialized (Note: added by Hugo Adan). Abolition of all centralized administration, of the bureaucracy, of all permanent armies and state police.

F. Immediate direct election of all judicial and civil functionaries as well as representatives (national, provincial, and communal delegates) by the universal suffrage of both sexes.

G. The internal reorganization of each country on the basis of the absolute freedom of individuals, of the productive associations, and of the communes. Necessity of recognizing the right of secession: every individual, every association, every commune, every region, every nation has the absolute right to self-determination, to associate or not to associate, to ally themselves with whomever they wish and repudiate their alliances without regard to so-called historic rights [rights consecrated by legal precedent] or the convenience of their neighbors. Once the right to secede is established, secession will no longer be necessary. With the dissolution of a "unity" imposed by violence, the units of society will be drawn to unite by their powerful mutual attraction and by inherent necessities. Consecrated by liberty, these new federations of communes, provinces, regions, and nations will then be truly strong, productive, and indissoluble.

H. Individual rights. The right of every man and woman, from birth to adulthood, to complete upkeep, clothes, food, shelter, care, guidance, education (public schools, primary, secondary, higher education, artistic, industrial, and scientific), all at the expense of society.

2. The equal right of adolescents, while freely choosing their careers, to be helped and to the greatest possible extent supported by society. After this, society will exercise no authority or supervision over them except to respect, and if necessary defend, their freedom and their rights.

3. The freedom of adults of both sexes must be absolute and complete, freedom to come and go, to voice all opinions, to be lazy or active, in short, to dispose of one's person or possessions as one pleases, being accountable to no one. Freedom to live honestly, by one's own labor.

4. Unlimited freedom of propaganda, speech, press, public or private assembly, with no other restraint than the natural salutary power of public opinion. Absolute freedom to organize associations even for allegedly state illegal or immoral purposes.

5. Freedom can and must be defended only by freedom: to advocate the restriction of freedom on the pretext that it is being defended is a dangerous delusion. As morality has no other source, no other object, no other stimulant than freedom, all restrictions of liberty in order to protect morality have always been to the detriment of the latter. Psychology, statistics, and all history prove that individual and social immorality are the inevitable consequences of a false private and public education, of the degeneration of public morality and the corruption of public opinion, and above all, of the vicious centralized organization of society. An eminent Belgian statistician [Quetelet] points out that society opens the way for the crimes later committed by malefactors. It follows that all attempts to combat social immorality by rigorous legislation which violates individual freedom must fail. Experience, on the contrary, demonstrates that a repressive and authoritarian system, far from preventing, only increases crime; that public and private morality falls or rises to the extent that individual liberty is restricted or enlarged. It follows that in order to regenerate society, we must first completely uproot this political and social system founded on inequality, privilege, and contempt for humanity. After having reconstructed society on the basis of the most complete liberty, equality, and justice--not to mention work for all and an enlightened education inspired by respect for man--public opinion will then reflect the new humanity and become a natural guardian of the most absolute liberty [and public order. Ed.].

6. Society cannot, however, leave itself completely defenseless against vicious and parasitic individuals. Work must be the basis of all political rights. The units of society, each within its own jurisdiction, can deprive all such antisocial adults of political rights (except the old, the sick, and those dependent on private or public subsidy) and will be obliged to restore their political rights as soon as they begin to live by their own labor.

7. The liberty of every human being is inalienable and society will never require any individual to surrender his liberty or to sign contracts with other individuals except on the basis of the most complete equality and reciprocity.

8. Persons losing their political rights will also lose custody of their children. Persons who violate voluntary agreements, steal, inflict bodily harm, or above all, violate the freedom of any individual, native or foreigner, will be penalized according to the laws of society. Individuals condemned by the laws of any and every association (commune, province, region, or nation) reserve the right to escape punishment by declaring that they wish to resign from that association. But in this case, the association will have the equal right to expel him and declare him outside its guarantee and protection.

I. Rights of association [federalism]. The cooperative workers' associations are a new fact in history. At this time we can only speculate about, but not determine, the immense development that they will doubtlessly exhibit in the new political arid social conditions of the future. It is possible and even very likely that they will someday transcend the limits of towns, provinces, and even states. They may entirely reconstitute society, dividing it not into nations but into different industrial groups, organized not according to the needs of politics but to those of production. But this is for the future. Be that as it may, we can already proclaim this fundamental principle: irrespective of their functions or aims, all associations, like all individuals, must enjoy absolute freedom. Neither society, nor any part of society--commune, province, or nation --has the right to prevent free individuals from associating freely for any purpose whatsoever: political, religious, scientific, artistic, etc. To combat charlatans and pernicious associations is the special affair of public opinion. But society is obliged to refuse to guarantee civic rights of any association or collective body whose aims or rules violate the fundamental principles of human justice. Individuals shall not be penalized or deprived of their full political and social rights solely for belonging to such unrecognized societies. The difference between the recognized and unrecognized associations will be the following: the juridical recognized associations will have the right to the protection of the community against individuals or recognized groups who refuse to fulfill their voluntary obligations. The juridical unrecognized associations will not be entitled to such protection by the community and none of their agreements will be regarded as binding.

The division of a country into regions, provinces, districts, and communes, will naturally depend on the traditions, the specific circumstances, and the particular nature of each country. We can only point out here the two fundamental and indispensable principles which must be put into effect by any country seriously trying to organize a free society. First: all organizations must proceed by way of federation from the base to the summit, from the commune to the coordinating association of the country or nation. Second: there must be at least one autonomous intermediate body between the commune and the country, the department, the region, or the province. Without such an autonomous intermediate body, the commune (in the strict sense of the term) would be too isolated and too weak to be able to resist the despotic centralistic pressure of the State, which will inevitably restore to power a despotic monarchical regime, as happens in France. Despotism has its source much more in the centralized organization of the State, than in the despotic nature of kings.

K. The basic unit of all political organization in each country must be the completely autonomous commune, constituted by the majority vote of all adults of both sexes. No one shall have either the power or the right to interfere in the internal life of the commune. The commune elects all functionaries, lawmakers, and judges. It administers the communal property and finances. Every commune should have the incontestable right to create, without superior sanction, its own constitution and legislation. But in order to join and become an integral part of the provincial federation, the commune must conform its own particular charter to the fundamental principles of the provincial constitution and be accepted by the parliament of the province. The commune must also accept the judgments of the provincial tribunal and any measures ordered by the government of the province. (All measures of the provincial government must be ratified by the provincial parliament.) Communes refusing to accept the provincial laws will not be entitled to its benefits.

L. The province must be nothing but a free federation of autonomous communes. The provincial parliament could be composed either of a single chamber with representatives of each of the communes or of two chambers, the other representing the population of the province, independent of the communes. The provincial parliament, without interfering in any manner whatsoever in the internal decisions of the communes will formulate the provincial constitution (based on the principles of this catechism). This constitution must be accepted by all communes wishing to participate in the provincial parliament. The provincial parliament will enact legislation defining the rights and obligations of individuals, communes, and associations in relation to the provincial federation, and the penalties for violations of its laws. It will reserve, however, the right of the communes to diverge on secondary points, though not on fundamentals.

The provincial parliament, in strict accordance with the Charter of the Federation of Communes, will define the rights and obligations existing between the communes, the parliament, the judicial tribunal, and the provincial administration. It will enact all laws affecting the whole province, pass on resolutions or measures of the national parliament, without, however, violating the autonomy of the communes and the province. Without interfering in the internal administration of the communes, it will allot to each commune its share of the provincial or national income, which will be used by the commune as its members decide. The provincial parliament will ratify or reject all policies and measures of the provincial administration which will, of course, be elected by universal suffrage. The provincial tribunal (also elected by universal suffrage) will adjudicate, without appeal, all disputes between communes and individuals, communes and communes, and communes and the provincial administration or parliament. [These arrangements will thus] lead not to dull, lifeless uniformity, but to a real living unity, to the enrichment of communal life. A unity will be created which reflects the needs and aspirations of the communes; in short, we will have individual and collective freedom. This unity cannot be achieved by the compulsion or violence of provincial power, for even truth and justice when coercively imposed must lead to falsehood and iniquity.

The nation must be nothing but a federation of autonomous provinces. [The organizational relations between the provinces and the nation will, in general, be the same as those between the communes and the province--Nettlau]

N. Principles of the International Federation. The union of nations comprising the International Federation will be based on the principles outlined above. It is probable, and strongly desired as well, that when the hour of the People's Revolution strikes again, every nation will unite in brotherly solidarity and forge an unbreakable alliance against the coalition of reactionary nations. This alliance will be the germ of the future Universal Federation of Peoples which will eventually embrace the entire world. The International Federation of revolutionary peoples, with a parliament, a tribunal, and an international executive committee, will naturally be based on the principles of the revolution. Applied to international polity these principles are:

1. Every land, every nation, every people, large or small, weak or strong, every region, province, and commune has the absolute right to self-determination, to make alliances, unite or secede as it pleases, regardless of so called historic rights and the political, commercial, or strategic ambitions of States. The unity of the elements of society, in order to be genuine, fruitful, and durable, must be absolutely free: it can emerge only from the internal needs and mutual attractions of the respective units of society....

2. Abolition of alleged historic right and the horrible right of conquest.

3. Absolute rejection of the politics of aggrandizement, of the power and the glory of the State. For this is a form of politics which locks each country into a self-made fortress, shutting out the rest of humanity, organizing itself into a closed world, independent of all human solidarity, finding its glory and prosperity in the evil it can do to other countries. A country bent on conquest is necessarily a country internally enslaved.

The glory and grandeur of a nation lie only in the development of its humanity. Its strength and inner vitality are measured by the degree of its liberty.

The well-being and the freedom of nations as well as individuals are inextricably interwoven. Therefore, there must be free commerce, exchange, and communication among all federated countries, and abolition of frontiers, passports, and customs duties [tariffs]. Every citizen of a federated country must enjoy the same civic rights and it must be easy for him to acquire citizenship and enjoy political rights in all other countries adhering to the same federation. If liberty is the starting point, it will necessarily lead to unity. But to go from unity to liberty is difficult, if not impossible; even if it were possible, it could be done only by destroying a spurious "unity" imposed by force....

No federated country shall maintain a permanent standing army or any institution separating the soldier from the civilian. Not only do permanent armies and professional soldiers breed internal disruption, brutalization, and financial ruin, they also menace the independence and well-being of other nations. All able-bodied citizens should, if necessary, take up arms to defend their homes and their freedom. Each country's military defense and equipment should be organized locally by the commune, or provincially, somewhat like the militias in Switzerland or the United States of America [circa 1860-7].

8. The International Tribunal shall have no other function than to settle, without appeal, all disputes between nations and their respective provinces. Differences between two federated countries shall be adjudicated, without appeal, only by the International Parliament, which, in the name of the entire revolutionary federation, will also formulate common policy and make war, if unavoidable, against the reactionary coalition.

9. No federated nation shall make war against another federated country. If there is war and the International Tribunal has pronounced its decision, the aggressor must submit. If this doesn't occur, the other federated nations will sever relations with it and, in case of attack by the aggressor, unite to repel invasion.

l0. All members of the revolutionary federation must actively take part in approved wars against a non-federated state. If a federated nation declares unjust war on an outside State against the advice of the International Tribunal, it will be notified in advance that it will have to do so alone.

11. It is hoped that the federated states will eventually give up the expensive luxury of separate diplomatic representatives to foreign states and arrange for representatives to speak in the name of all the federated States.

12. Only nations or peoples accepting the principles outlined in this catechism will be admitted to the federation.

Social Organization. Without political equality there can be no real political liberty, but political equalitv will be possible only when there is social and economic equality.

A. Equality does not imply the leveling of individual differences, nor that individuals should be made physically, morally, or mentally identical. Diversity in capacities and powers--those differences between races, nations, sexes, ages, and persons--far from being a social evil, constitutes, on the contrary, the abundance of humanity. Economic and social equality means the equalization of personal wealth, but not by restricting what a man may acquire by his own skill, productive energy, and thrift.

B. Equality and justice demand only a society so organized that every single human being will--from birth through adolescence and maturity--and therein equal means, first for maintenance and education, and later, for the exercise of all his natural capacities and aptitudes. This equality from birth that justice demands for everyone will be impossible as long as the right of inheritance continues to exist.

D. Abolition of the right of inheritance. Social inequality --inequality of classes, privileges, and wealth-- not by right but in fact, will continue to exist until such time as the right of inheritance is abolished. It is an inherent social law that de facto inequality inexorably produces inequality of rights; social inequality leads to political inequality. And without political equality--in the true, universal, and libertarian sense in which we understand it--society will always remain divided into two unequal parts. The first, which comprises the great majority of mankind, the masses of the people, will be oppressed by the privileged, exploiting minority. The right of inheritance violates the principle of freedom and must be abolished.

G. When inequality resulting from the right of inheritance is abolished, there will still remain inequalities [of wealth] due to the diverse amounts of energy and skill possessed by individuals. These inequalities will never entirely disappear, but will become more and more minimized under the influence of education and of an egalitarian social organization, and, above all, when the right of inheritance no longer burdens the coming generations.

H. Labor being the sole source of wealth, everyone is free to die of hunger, or to live in the deserts or the forests among savage beasts, but whoever wants to live in society must earn his living by his own labor, or be treated as a parasite who is living on the labor of others.

I. Labor is the foundation of human dignity and morality. For it was only by free and intelligent labor that man, overcoming his own bestiality, attained his humanity and sense of justice, changed his environment, and created the civilized world. The stigma which, in the ancient as well as the feudal world, was attached to labor, and which to a great extent still exists today, despite all the hypocritical phrases about the "dignity of labor"--this stupid prejudice against labor has two sources: the first is the conviction, so characteristic of the ancient world, that in order to give one part of society the opportunity and the means to humanize itself through science, the arts, philosophy, and the enjoyment of human rights, another part of society, naturally the most numerous, must be condemned to work as slaves. This fundamental institution of ancient civilization was the cause of its downfall.

The city, corrupted and disorganized on the one hand by the idleness of the privileged citizens, and undermined on the other by the imperceptible but relentless activity of the disinherited world of slaves who, despite their slavery, through common labor developed a sense of mutual aid and solidarity against oppression, collapsed under the blows of the barbarian peoples.

Christianity, the religion of the slaves, much later destroyed ancient forms of slavery only to create a new slavery. Privilege, based on inequality and the right of conquest and sanctified by divine grace, again separated society into two opposing camps: the "rabble" and the nobility, the serfs and the masters. To the latter was assigned the noble profession of arms and government; to the serfs, the curse of forced labor. The same causes are bound to produce the same effects; the nobility, weakened and demoralized by depraved idleness, fell in 1789 under the blows of the revolutionary serfs and workers. The [French] Revolution proclaimed the dignity of labor and enacted the rights of labor into law. But only in law, for in fact labor remained enslaved. The first source of the degradation of labor, namely, the dogma of the political inequality of men, was destroyed by the Great Revolution. The degradation must therefore be attributed to a second source, which is nothing but the separation which still exists between manual and intellectual labor, which reproduces in a new form the ancient inequality and divides the world into two camps: the privileged minority, privileged not by law but by capital, and the majority of workers, no longer captives of the law but of hunger.

The dignity of labor is today theoretically recognized, and public opinion considers it disgraceful to live without working. But this does not go to the heart of the question. Human labor, in general, is still divided into two exclusive categories: the first --solely intellectual and managerial--includes the scientists, artists, engineers, inventors, accountants, educators, governmental oflicials, and their subordinate elites who enforce labor discipline. The second group consists of the great mass of workers, people prevented from applying creative ideas or intelligence, who blindly and mechanically carry out the orders of the intellectual managerial elite. This economic and social division of labor has disastrous consequences for members of the privileged classes, the masses of the people, and for the prosperity, as well as the moral and intellectual development, of society as a whole.

For the privileged classes a life of luxurious idleness gradually leads to moral and intellectual degeneration. It is perfectly true that a certain amount of leisure is absolutely necessary for the artistic, scientific, and mental development of man; creative leisure followed by the healthy exercise of daily labor, one that is well earned and is socially provided for all according to individual capacities and preferences. Human nature is so constituted that the propensity for evil is always intensified by external circumstances, and the morality of the individual depends much more on the conditions of his existence and the environment in which he lives than on his own will. In this respect, as in all others, the law of social solidarity is essential: there can be no other moralizer for society or the individual than freedom in absolute equality. Take the most sincere democrat and put him on the throne; if he does not step down promptly, he will surely become a scoundrel. A born aristocrat (if he should, by some happy chance, be ashamed of his aristocratic lineage and renounce privileges of birth) will yearn for past glories, be useless in the present, and passionately oppose future progress. The same goes for the bourgeois: this dear child of capital and idleness will waste his leisure in dishonesty, corruption, and debauchery, or serve as a brutal force to enslave the working class, who will eventually unleash against him a retribution even more horrible than that of 1793.

The evils that the worker is subjected to by the division of labor are much easier to determine: forced to work for others because he is born to poverty and misery, deprived of all rational upbringing and education, morally enslaved by religious influence. He is catapulted into life, defenseless, without initiative and without his own will. Driven to despair by misery, he sometimes revolts, but lacking that unity with his fellow workers and that enlightened thought upon which power depends, he is often betrayed and sold out by his leaders, and almost never realizes who or what is responsible for his sufferings. Exhausted by futile struggles, he falls back again into the old slavery.

This slavery will last until capitalism is overthrown by the collective action of the workers. They will be exploited as long as education (which in a free society will be equally available to all) is the exclusive birthright of the privileged class; as long as this minority monopolizes scientific and managerial work and the people--reduced to the status of machines or beasts of burden--are forced to perform the menial tasks assigned to them by their exploiters. This degradation of human labor is an immense evil, polluting the moral, intellectual, and political institutions of society. History shows that an uneducated multitude whose natural intelligence is suppressed and who are brutalized by the mechanical monotony of daily toil, who grope in vain for any enlightenment, constitutes a mindless mob whose blind turbulence threatens the very existence of society itself.

The artificial separation between manual and intellectual labor must give way to a new social synthesis. When the man of science performs manual labor and the man of work performs intellectual labor, free intelligent work will become the glory of mankind, the source of its dignity and its rights.

K. Intelligent and free labor will necessarily be collective labor. Each person will, of course, be free to work alone or collectively. But there is no doubt that (outside of work best performed individually) in industrial and even scientific or artistic enterprises, collective labor will be preferred by everyone. For association marvelously multiplies the productive capacity of each worker; hence, a cooperating member of a productive association will earn much more in much less time. When the free productive associations (which will include members of cooperatives and labor organizations) voluntarily organize according to their needs and special skills, they will then transcend all national boundaries and form an immense worldwide economic federation. This will include an industrial parliament, supplied by the associations with precise and detailed global-scale statistics; by harmonizing supply and demand the parliament will distribute and allocate world industrial production to the various nations. Commercial and industrial crises, stagnation (unemployment ), waste of capital, etc., will no longer plague mankind; the emancipation of human labor will regenerate the world.

L. The land, and all natural resources, are the common property of everyone, but will be used only by those who cultivate it by their own labor. Without expropriation, only through the powerful pressure of the worker's associations, capital and the tools of production will fall to those who produce wealth by their own labor. [Bakunin means that private ownership of production will be permitted only if the owners do the actual work and do not employ anyone. He believed that collective ownership would gradually supersede private ownership.]

M. Equal political, social, and economic rights, as well as equal obligations for women.

N. Abolition not of the natural family but of the legal family founded on law and property. Religious and civil marriage to be replaced by free marriage. Adult men and women have the right to unite and separate as they please, nor has society the right to hinder their union or to force them to maintain it. With the abolition of the right of inheritance and the education of children assured by society, all the legal reasons for the irrevocability of marriage will disappear. The union of a man and a woman must be free, for a free choice is the indispensable condition for moral sincerity. In marriage, man and woman must enjoy absolute liberty. Neither violence nor passion nor rights surrendered in the past can justify an invasion by one of the liberty of another, and every such invasion shall be considered a crime.

O. From the moment of pregnancy to birth, a woman and her children shall be subsidized by the communal organization. Women who wish to nurse and wean their children shall also be subsidized.

P. Parents shall have the right to care for and guide the education of their children, under the ultimate control of the commune which retains the right and the obligation to take children away from parents who, by example or by cruel and inhuman treatment, demoralize or otherwise hinder the physical and mental development of their children.

Q. Children belong neither to their parents nor to society. They belong to themselves and to their own future liberty. Until old enough to take care of themselves, children must be brought up under the guidance of their elders. It is true that parents are their natural tutors, but since the very future of the commune itself depends upon the intellectual and moral training it gives to children, the commune must be the tutor. The freedom of adults is possible only when the free society looks after the education of minors.

R. The secular school must replace the Church, with the difference that while religious indoctrination perpetuates superstition and divine authority, the sole purpose of secular public education is the gradual, progressive initiation of children into liberty by the triple development of their physical strength, their minds, and their will. Reason, truth, justice, respect for fellowmen, the sense of personal dignity which is inseparable from the dignity of others, love of personal freedom and the freedom of all others, the conviction that work is the base and condition for rights--these must be the fundamental principles of all public education. Above all, education must make men and inculcate human values first, and then train specialized workers. As the child grows older, authority will give way to more and more liberty, so that by adolescence he will be completely free and will forget how in childhood he had to submit unavoidably to authority. Respect for human worth, the germ of freedom, must be present even while children are being severely disciplined. The essence of all moral education is this: inculcate children with respect for humanity and you will make good men....

S. Having reached the age of adulthood, the adolescent will be proclaimed autonomous and free to act as he deems best. In exchange, society will expect him to fulfill only these three obligations: that he remain free, that he live by his own labor, and that he respect the freedom of others. And, as the crimes and vices infecting present society are due to the evil organization of society, it is certain that in a society based on reason, justice, and freedom, on respect for humanity and on complete equality, the good will prevail and the evil will be a morbid exception, which will diminish more and more under the pervasive influence of an enlightened and humanized public opinion.
T. The old, sick, and infirm will enjoy all political and social rights and be bountifully supported at the expense of society.

XI. Revolutionary policy. It is our deep-seated conviction that since the freedom of all nations is indivisible, national revolutions must become international in scope. Just as the European and world reaction is unified, there should no longer be isolated revolutions, but a universal, worldwide revolution. Therefore, all the particular interests, the vanities, pretensions, jealousies, and hostilities between and among nations must now be transformed into the unified, common, and universal interest of the revolution, which alone can assure the freedom and independence of each nation by the solidarity of all. We believe also that the holy alliance of the world counterrevolution and the conspiracy of kings, clergy, nobility, and the bourgeoisie, based on enormous budgets, on permanent armies, on formidable bureaucracies, and equipped with all the monstrous apparatus of modern centralized states, constitutes an overwhelming force; indeed, that this formidable reactionary coalition can be destroyed only by the greater power of the simultaneous revolutionury alliance and action of all the people of the civilized world, that against this reaction the isolated revolution of a single people will never succeed. Such a revolution would be folly, a catastrophe for the isolated country and would, in effect, constitute a crime against all the other nations. It follows that the uprising of a single people must have in view not only itself, but the whole world. This demands a worldwide program, as large, as profound, as true, as human, in short, as all embracing as the interests of the whole world. And in order to energize the passions of all the popular masses of Europe, regardless of nationality, this program can only be the program of the social and democratic revolution.

Briefly stated, the objectives of the social and democratic revolution are: Politically: the abolition of the historic rights of states, the rights of conquest, and diplomatic rights [states international law. TR.]. It aims at the full emancipation of individuals and associations from divine and human bondage; it seeks the absolute destruction of all compulsory unions, and all agglomerations of communes into provinces and conquered countries into the State. Finally, it requires the radical dissolution of the centralized, aggressive, authoritarian State, including its military, bureaucratic, governmental, administrative, judicial, and legislative institutions. The revolution, in short, has this aim: freedom for all, for individuals as well as collective bodies, associations, communes, provinces, regions, and nations, and the mutual guarantee of this freedom by federation.

Socially: it seeks the confirmation of political equality by economic equality. This is not the removal of natural individual differences, but equality in the social rights of every individual from birth; in particular, equal means of subsistence, support, education, and opportunity for every child, boy or girl, until maturity, and equal resources and facilities in adulthood to create his own well-being by his own labor.


by Michael Bakunin (1867)

The State is nothing else but this domination and exploitation regularized and systemized. We shall attempt to demonstrate it by examining the consequence of the government of the masses of the people by a minority, at first as intelligent and as devoted as you like, in an ideal State, founded on a free contract.

Suppose the government to be confined only to the best citizens. At first these citizens are privileged not by right, but by fact. They have been elected by the people because they are the most intelligent, clever, wise, and courageous and devoted. Taken from the mass of the citizens, who are regarded as all equal, they do not yet form a class apart, but a group of men privileged only by nature and for that reason singled out for election by the people. Their number is necessarily very limited, for in all times and countries the number of men endowed with qualities so remarkable that they automatically command the unanimous respect of a nation is, as experience teaches us, very small. Therefore, under pain of making a bad choice, the people will always be forced to choose its rulers from amongst them.

Here, then, is society divided into two categories, if not yet to say two classes, of which one, composed of the immense majority of the citizens, submits freely to the government of its elected leaders, the other, formed of a small number of privileged natures, recognized and accepted as such by the people, and charged by them to govern them. Dependent on popular election, they are at first distinguished from the mass of the citizens only by the very qualities, which recommended them to their choice and are naturally, the most devoted and useful of all. They do not yet assume to themselves any privilege, any particular right, except that of exercising, insofar as the people wish it, the special functions with which they have been charged. For the rest, by their manner of life, by the conditions and means of their existence, they do not separate themselves in any way from all the others, so that a perfect equality continues to reign among all. Can this equality be long maintained? We claim that it cannot and nothing is easier to prove it.

Nothing is more dangerous for man's private morality than the habit of command. The best man, the most intelligent, disinterested, generous, pure, will infallibly and always be spoiled at this trade. Two sentiments inherent in power never fail to produce this demoralisation; they are: contempt for the masses and the overestimation of one's own merits.

"The masses" a man says to himself, " recognizing their incapacity to govern on their own account, have elected me their chief. By that act they have publicly proclaimed their inferiority and my superiority. Among this crowd of men, recognizing hardly any equals of myself, I am alone capable of directing public affairs. The people have need of me; they cannot do without my services, while I, on the contrary, can get along all right by myself; they, therefore, must obey me for their own security, and in condescending to obey them, I am doing them a good turn. "

Is there not something in all that to make a man lose his head and his heart as well, and become mad with pride? It is thus that power and the habit of command become for even the most intelligent and virtuous men, a source of aberration, both intellectual and moral.


by Mikhail Bakunin
Freedom without Socialism is privilege and injustice
and that Socialism without freedom is slavery and brutality


From the time when the Revolution brought down to the masses its Gospel - not the mystic but the rational, not the heavenly but the earthly, not the divine but the human Gospel, the Gospel of the Rights of Man - ever since it proclaimed that all men are equal, that all men are entitled to liberty and equality, the masses of all European countries, of all the civilized world, awakening gradually from the sleep which had kept them in bondage ever since Christianity drugged them with its opium, began to ask themselves whether they too, had the right to equality, freedom, and humanity.

As soon as this question was posed, the people, guided by their admirable sound sense as well as by their instincts, realized that the first condition of their real emancipation, or of their humanization, was above all a radical change in their economic situation. The question of daily bread is to them justly the first question, for as it was noted by Aristotle, man, in order to think, in order to feel himself free, in order to become man, must be freed from the material cares of daily life. For that matter, the bourgeois, who are so vociferous in their outcries against the materialism of the people and who preach to the latter the abstinences of idealism, know it very well, for they themselves preach it only by word and not by example.

The second question arising before the people - that of leisure after work - is the indispensable condition of humanity. But bread and leisure can never be obtained apart from a radical transformation of existing society, and that explains why the Revolution, impelled by the implications of its own principles, gave birth to Socialism.


Socialism is justice. When we speak of justice, we understand thereby not the justice contained in the Codes and in Roman jurisprudence - which were based to a great extent upon facts of violence achieved by force, violence consecrated by time and by the benedictions of some church or other (Christian or pagan), and as such accepted as absolute principles, from which all law is to be deduced by a process of logical reasoning - no, we speak of that justice which is based solely upon human conscience, the justice to be found in the consciousness of every man - even in that of children - and which can be expressed in a single word: equity.

This universal justice which, owing to conquests by force and religious influences, has never yet prevailed in the political or juridical or economic worlds, should become the basis of the new world. Without it there can be neither liberty, nor republic, nor prosperity, nor peace. It then must govern our resolutions in order that we work effectively toward the establishment of peace. And this justice urges us to take upon ourselves the defense of the interests of the terribly maltreated people and demand their economic and social emancipation along with political freedom.


We do not propose here, gentlemen, this or any other socialist system. What we demand now is the proclaiming anew of the great principle of the French Revolution: that every human being should have the material and moral means to develop all his humanity, a principle which, in our opinion, is to be translated into the following problem:

To organize society in such a manner that every individual, man or woman, should find, upon entering life, approximately equal means for the development of his or her diverse faculties and their utilization in his or her work. And to organize such a society that, rendering impossible the exploitation of anyone's labor, will enable every individual to enjoy the social wealth, which in reality is produced only by collective labor, but to enjoy it only in so far as he contributes directly toward the creation of that wealth.


The carrying out of this task will of course take centuries of development. But history has already brought it forth and henceforth we cannot ignore it without condemning ourselves to utter impotence. We hasten to add here that we vigorously reject any attempt at social organization which would not admit the fullest liberty of individuals and organizations, or which would require the setting up of any regimenting power whatever. In the name of freedom, which we recognize as the only foundation and the only creative principle of organization, economic or political, we shall protest against anything remotely resembling State Communism, or State Socialism.


The only thing which, in opinion, the State can and should do, is first to modify little by little inheritance law so as to arrive as soon as possible at its complete abolition. That law being purely a creation of the State, and one of the conditions of the very existence of the authoritarian and divine State can and should be abolished by freedom in the State. In other words, State should dissolve itself into a society freely organized in accord with the principles of justice. Inheritance right, in our opinion, should abolished, for so long as it exists there will be hereditary economic inequality, not the natural inequality of individuals, but the artificial man inequality of classes - and the latter will always beget hereditary equality in the development and shaping of minds, continuing to be source and consecration of all political and social inequalities. The task of justice is to establish equality for everyone, inasmuch that equality will depend upon the economic and political organization society - an equality with which everyone is going to begin his life, that everyone, guided by his own nature, will be the product of his own efforts. In our opinion, the property of the deceased should accrue to social fund for the instruction and education of children of both sexes including their maintenance from birth until they come of age. As Slavs and as Russians, we shall add that with us the fundamental social idea, based upon the general and traditional instinct of our populations, is that as the property of all the people, should be owned only by those who cultivate it with their own hands.

We are convinced gentlemen, that this principle is just, that it is essential and inevitable condition of all serious social reform, and consequently Western Europe in turn will not fail to recognize and accept this principle, notwithstanding the difficulties of its realization in countries as in France, for instance where the majority of peasants own the land which they cultivate, but where most of those very peasants will soon end up by owning next to nothing, owing to the parceling out of land coming as the inevitable result of the political and economic system now prevailing in France. We shall, however, refrain from offering any proposals on the land question...We shall confine ourselves now to proposing the following declaration:


"Convinced that the serious realization of liberty, justice, and peace will be impossible so long as the majority of the population remains dispossessed of elementary needs, so long as it is deprived of education and is condemned to political and social insignificance and slavery - in fact if not by law - by poverty as well as by the necessity of working without rest or leisure, producing all the wealth upon which the world now prides itself, and receiving in return only such a small pan thereof that it hardly suffices to assure its livelihood for the next day;

"Convinced that for all that mass of population, terribly maltreated for centuries, the problem of bread is the problem of mental emancipation, of freedom and humanity;

"Convinced that freedom without Socialism is privilege and injustice and that Socialism without freedom is slavery and brutality;

"The League [for Peace and Freedom] loudly proclaims the necessity of a radical social and economic reconstruction, having for its aim the emancipation of people's labor from the yoke of capital and property owners, a reconstruction based upon strict justice - neither juridical nor theological nor metaphysical justice, but simply human justice - upon positive science and upon the widest freedom."


It is necessary to abolish completely, both in principle and in fact, all that which is called political power; for, so long as political power exists, there will be ruler and ruled, masters and slaves, exploiters and exploited. Once abolished, political power should be replaced by an organization of productive forces and economic service.
Notwithstanding the enormous development of modern states - a development which in its ultimate phase is quite logically reducing the State to an absurdity - it is becoming evident that the days of the State and the State principle are numbered. Already we can see approaching the full emancipation of the toiling masses and their free social organization, free from governmental intervention, formed by economic associations of the people and brushing aside all the old State frontiers and national distinctions, and having as its basis only productive labor, humanized labor, having one common interest in spite of its diversity.

his ideal of course appears to the people as signifying first of all the end of want, the end of poverty, and the full satisfaction of all material needs by means of collective labor, equal and obligatory for all, and then, as the end of domination and the free organization of the people's lives in accordance with their needs - not from the top down, as we have it in the State, but from the bottom up, an organization formed by the people themselves, apart from all governments and parliaments, a free union of associations of agricultural and factory workers, of communes, regions, and nations, and finally, in the more remote future; the universal human brotherhood, triumphing above the ruins of all States.


Outside of the Mazzinian system which is the system of the republic in the form of a State, there is no other system but that of the republic as a commune, the republic as a federation, a Socialist and a genuine people's republic - the system of Anarchism. It is the politics of the Social Revolution, which aims at the abolition of the State, and the economic, altogether free organization of the people, an organization from below upward, by means of a federation.

...There will be no possibility of the existence of a political government, for this government will be transformed into a simple administration of common affairs.

Our program can be summed up in a few words:
-Peace, emancipation, and the happiness of the oppressed.
-War upon all oppressors and all despoilers.
-Full restitution to workers: all the capital, the factories, and all instruments of work and raw materials to go to the associations, and the land to those who cultivate it with their own hands.
-Liberty, justice, and fraternity in regard to all human beings upon the earth.
-Equality for all.
-To all, with no distinction whatever, all the means of development, education, and upbringing, and the equal possibility of living while working.
-Organizing of a society by means of a free federation from below upward, of workers associations, industrial as well as a agricultural, scientific as well as literary associations - first into a commune, then a federation communes into regions, of regions into nations, and of nations into international fraternal association.


In a social revolution, which in everything is diametrically opposed to a political revolution, the acts of individuals hardly count at all, whereas the spontaneous action of masses is everything. All that individuals can do is to clarify, propagate, and work out ideas corresponding to the popular instinct, and, what is more, to contribute their incessant efforts to revolutionary organization of the natural power of the masses - but nothing else beyond that; the rest can and should be done by the people themselves. Any other method would lead to political dictatorship, to the re-emergence of the State, of privileges of inequalities of all the oppressions of the State - that is, it would lead in a roundabout but logical way toward re-establishment of political, social, and economic slavery of the masses of people.

Varlin and all his friends, like all sincere Socialists, and in general like all workers born and brought up among the people, shared to a high degree this perfectly legitimate bias against the initiative coming from isolated individuals, against the domination exercised by superior individuals, and being above all consistent, they extended the same prejudice and distrust to their own persons.


Contrary to the ideas of the authoritarian Communists, altogether fallacious ideas in my opinion, that the Social Revolution can be decreed and organized by means of a dictatorship or a Constituent Assembly - our friends, the Parisian Social-Socialists, held the opinion that that revolution can be waged and brought to fits full development only through the spontaneous and continued mass action of groups and associations of the people.

Our Parisian friends were a thousand times right. For, indeed, there is no mind, much as it may be endowed with the quality of a genius; or if we speak of a collective dictatorship consisting of several hundred supremely endowed individuals - there is no combination of intellects so vast as to be able to embrace all the infinite multiplicity and diversity of the real interests, aspirations, wills, and needs constituting in their totality the collective will of the people; there is no intellect that can devise a social organization capable of satisfying each and all.

Such an organization would ever be a Procrustean bed into which violence, more or less sanctioned by the State, would force the unfortunate society. But it is this old system of organization based upon force that the Social Revolution should put an end to by giving full liberty to the masses, groups, communes, associations, and even individuals, and by destroying once and for all the historic cause of all violence - the very existence of the State, the fall of which will entail the destruction of all the iniquities of juridical right and all the falsehood of various cults, that right and those cults having ever been simply the complaisant consecration, ideal as well as real, of all violence represented, guaranteed, and authorized by the State.

It is evident that only when the State has ceased to exist humanity will obtain its freedom, and the true interests of society, of all groups, of all local organizations, and likewise of all the individuals forming such organization, will find their real satisfaction.


Abolition of the State and the Church should be the first and indispensable condition of the real enfranchisement of society. It will be only after this that society can and should begin its own reorganization; that, however, should take place not from the top down, not according to an ideal plan mapped by a few sages or savants, and not by means of decrees issued by some dictatorial power or even by a National Assembly elected by universal suffrage. Such a system, as I have already said, inevitably would lead to the formation of a governmental aristocracy, that is, a class of persons which has nothing in common with the masses of people; and, to be sure, this class would again turn to exploiting and enthralling the masses under the pretext of common welfare or of the salvation of the State.


I am a convinced partisan of economic and social equality, for I know that outside of this equality, freedom, justice, human dignity, morality, and the well-being of individuals as well as the prosperity of nations are all nothing but so many falsehoods. But being at the same time a partisan of freedom - the first condition of humanity - I believe that equality should be established in the world by a spontaneous organization of labor and collective property, by the free organization of producers' associations into communes, and free federation of communes - but nowise by means of the supreme tutelary action of the State.


It is this point which mainly divides the Socialists or revolutionary collectivists from the authoritarian Communists, the partisans of the absolute initiative of the State. The goal of both is the same: both parties want the creation of a new social order based exclusively upon collective labor, under economic conditions that are equal for all - that is, under conditions of collective ownership of the tools of production.

Only the Communists imagine that they can attain through development and organization of the political power of the working classes, and chiefly of the city proletariat, aided by bourgeois radicalism - whereas the revolutionary Socialists, the enemies of all ambiguous alliances, believe, on the contrary, that this common goal can be attained not through the political but through the social (and therefore anti-political) organization and power of the working masses of the cities and villages, including all those who, though belonging by birth to the higher classes, have broken with their past of their own free will, and have openly joined the proletariat and accepted its program.


Hence the two different methods. The Communists believe that it is necessary to organize the forces of the workers in order to take possession of the political might of the State. The revolutionary Socialists organize with the view of destroying, or if you prefer a more refined expression, of liquidating the State. The Communists are the partisans of the principle and practice of authority, while revolutionary Socialists place their faith only in freedom. Both are equally the partisans of science, which is to destroy superstition and take the place of faith; but the first want to impose science upon the people, while the revolutionary collectivists try to diffuse science and knowledge among the people, so that the various groups of human society, when convinced by propaganda, may organize and spontaneously combine into federations, in accordance with their natural tendencies and their real interests, but never according to a plan traced in advance and imposed upon the ignorant masses by a few "superior" minds.

Revolutionary Socialists believe that there is much more of practical reason and intelligence in the instinctive aspirations and real needs of the masses of people than in the profound minds of all these learned doctors and self-appointed tutors of humanity, who, having before them the sorry examples of so many abortive attempts to make humanity happy, still intend to keep on working in the same direction. But revolutionary Socialists believe, on the contrary, that humanity has permitted itself to be ruled for a long time, much too long, and that the source of its misfortune lies not in this nor in any other form of government but in the principle and the very existence of the government, whatever its nature may be.

It is this difference of opinion, which already has become historic, that now exists between the scientific Communism, developed by the German school and partly accepted by American and English Socialists, and Proudhonism, extensively developed and pushed to its ultimate conclusions, and by now accepted by the proletariat of the Latin countries. Revolutionary Socialism has made its first brilliant and practical appearance in the Paris Commune.

On the Pan-German banner is written: Retention and strengthening of the State at any cost. On our banner, the social-revolutionary banner, on the contrary, are inscribed, in fiery and bloody letters: the destruction of all States, the annihilation of bourgeois civilization, free and spontaneous organization from below upward, by means of free associations, the organization of the unbridled rabble of toilers, of all emancipated humanity, and the creation of a new universally human world.

Before creating, or rather aiding the people to create, this new organization, it is necessary to achieve a victory. It is necessary to overthrow that which is, in order to be able to establish that which should be...



1. Ica y Arequipa desafina leyes sobre bloqueo de carreteras

2. Dirigentas cocaleras y el acuerdo verbal con el gobierno

3. El orden y la ley en tiempos de crisis x Rodrigo Montoya

4. La caja de Pandora de la 20530 (Part II) x Javier Diez Canseco

5. Asillo (Puno) exige iunmediata vancancia del Alcalde

6. Indigenas y campesinos piden disolucion de CONAP

7. Pensionistas, FMI y corrupcion neoliberal

EL COMERCIO, mayo 31, 2004

El paro de 48 horas que acata la población de Chincha (Ica), para exigir al gobierno central una solución al problema fronterizo que sostiene con Cañete (Lima), perjudica a miles de viajeros que se han quedado varados por el bloqueo del tramo comprendido entre los kilómetros 192 y 231 de la carretera Panamericana Sur. Más de 100 vehículos están en San Vicente de Cañete a la espera de la reanudación del libre tránsito. La Policía Nacional ha iniciado las labores de limpieza de algunos sectores de la mencionada vía.
Las actividades en la localidad iqueña de Chincha quedaron suspendidas como parte del cumplimiento del paro de 48 horas convocado por las principales autoridades y agrupaciones locales, como medida de protesta contra el gobierno central, en particular contra la presidencia del Consejo de Ministros, por no haberse pronunciado con respecto a la apelación presentada por el gobierno regional de Ica sobre un informe preliminar que recorta el territorio chinchano, según informe de CaNal.
Un grupo de avanzada del gremio local de Construcción Civil inició la marcha por el kilómetro 192 de la Panamericana Sur, dejando a su paso piedras y llantas quemadas para bloquear la vía.
Por tal razón, se suspendió el tránsito desde el kilómetro 170, en Cañete, hasta el kilómetro 231 en Pisco.
La Policía Nacional utilizó bombas lacrimógenas para despejar la entrada a Chincha Baja. Allí detuvieron a cuatro manifestantes.
De otro lado, RPP informó que cerca de 200 efectivos de la División de Operaciones Especiales de la Policía Nacional se encuentran en las carretera de Cañete, con la finalidad de prestar garantías a los habitantes del centro poblado de Nuevo Ayacucho.
Además, más de un centenar de vehículos interprovinciales se encuentran estacionados en San Vicente de Cañete, en espera que el bloqueo de la carretera Panamericana Sur se levante en cualquier momento.
"Dado los acontecimientos que suceden en Chincha, en Cañete tenemos las ordenes precisas de adoptar las medidas convenientes a fin de garantizar el orden y la tranquilidad pública", dijo el coronel PNP, Miguel Hidalgo, a la radioemisora limeña.
Además, aseguró que tiene información con respecto a que en el kilómetro 198 efectivos policiales cumplen con las labores de limpieza de la vía para restablecer el tránsito vehicular.


EL COMERCIO, mayo 31, 2004
Un grupo de pobladores impidió el paso de unos 400 turistas al valle del Colca, al bloquear las vías que conducen a este bello monumento natural arequipeño, se informó hoy.

El técnico José Ramírez, miembro del puesto policial de Chivay, capital de la provincia de Caylloma, declaró a Andina que unos 25 pobladores de la localidad de Cabanonde, bloquean esta carretera para exigir se reinicien las obras de rehabilitación de vías en la zona de Cruz del Cóndor.
"Desde las seis de esta mañana han cruzado una camioneta de propiedad de la municipalidad de Chivay y más pobladores se suman a la medida de protesta contra sus autoridades locales", manifestó.

El efectivo policial señaló que las obras de asfaltado e infraestructura en el valle del Colca, han sido encargadas por el alcalde de la provincia de Caylloma, Elmer Cáceres Llica, al Plan Copesco.
Pero, las observaciones y acciones de amparo presentadas por entidades privadas detuvieron las obras por carecer del informe de impacto ambiental y expediente técnico.
Según los dirigentes que promueven la protesta, esta medida se realizará todos los días de esta semana desde las 6 de la mañana - hora punta en que las agencias de turismo trasladan a los visitantes al Colca- hasta que las autoridades atiendan sus demandas.

El Comercio, mayo 31, 2004

El presidente de la República, Alejandro Toledo, demandó al Congreso aprobar con celeridad los proyectos de ley para aumentar las penas de cárcel a quienes interrumpan las carreteras y usen de manera ilegal uniformes militares y policiales en las protestas populares.

El Ejecutivo envió el pasado fin de semana las iniciativas legislativas orientadas a garantizar el orden en las calles y el respeto a la propiedad privada frente a diversas movilizaciones populares que, en algunos casos, se han caracterizado por su violencia y el bloqueo de carreteras.

Uno de los proyectos establece penas de cárcel de entre tres y cinco años para quien impida el funcionamiento de cualquier vía de transporte, así como penas de entre cinco y ocho años para quien actúe violentamente y atente contra la integridad física de las personas o cause grave daño a la propiedad privada.

Las sanciones que rigen en la actualidad contemplan penas de entre dos y cuatro años.
Sectores de la oposición e incluso algunos oficialistas han expresado sus críticas a los proyectos del Ejecutivo porque consideran que no se trata de aumentar las penas, sino de aplicar las existentes.
Varios conflictos sociales se han registrado en diversas partes del país en el último mes y amenazan con incrementarse, pues varios frentes provinciales y regionales han anticipado huelgas y movilizaciones.

La republica, mayo 31, 2004
Rodrigo Montoya Rojas.-

Se queja el presidente de que las leyes sirven poco o nada en períodos de crisis pero no dice una sola palabra de su propia responsabilidad y la de sus partidos, aliados y clientes políticos en la generación de esa crisis. Culpó a algunos narcos infiltrados en Tingo María y a otros fantasmas que rondarían por Ilave. Cuando los cocaleros llegaron a Lima hace más de un mes pidiéndole diálogo, no quiso hablar con ellos. No hay en el Perú nada parecido a una propuesta gubernamental para tratar y resolver seriamente el problema de la cocaína y sus consecuencias.

La única política es la norteamericana que propone erradicar la hoja de coca y no hablar con los cocaleros porque serían narcos. Todo gobierno peruano que trate de erradicar; es decir, exterminar, liquidar, destruir el cultivo milenario de la coca solo agregará más leños al fuego.

Cuando en algún lugar del país el pueblo harto de tanta mentira reclama sus derechos, la policía responde con sus palos y gases lacrimógenos. Si los rebeldes insisten, la dosis de represión aumenta y sale el ejército, como siempre, a infundir miedo.

Tuvo el actor presidente más de dos años para intentar cambiar algo el país. Sólo poseía unas ganas extraordinarias de ser presidente y disfrutar de la vanidad del poder. No traía una sola idea propia y útil para resolver el problema de fondo del país, puesto de nuevo en evidencia en Ilave.

Con un llamado al orden y al respeto a la ley, viejo e inútil recurso en casi 500 años, no se resuelve nada. Los viejos problemas se multiplican, acumulan, y esconden debajo de la alfombra, para reaparecer después. ¿Quién cumple las leyes en el Perú? En Ilave, como en cualquier pueblo de los Andes, la Amazonía, o los conos de Lima hay una conciencia creciente de que las leyes sólo favorecen a unos pocos y se aplican a los adversarios.

Si no fuera así, ¿cómo explicar el inmenso descrédito del presidente, de los congresistas y de los partidos?, ¿no es acaso un abuso de lenguaje decir que el Perú es un país democrático?

FIN DE LA 20530 (II)
LA REPUBLICA, mayo 31, 2004
Javier Diez Canseco.-

El sistema pensionario público peruano -en sus desordenadas variantes- es un desastre. La mayoría de pensionistas tienen ingresos minúsculos, sin efectivo derecho a reajustes y mejoras. La 20530, junto al régimen militar-policial, eran (o son) islas que reconocían el derecho legal a reajustes, más allá de sus problemas de viabilidad económica y de que sucesivos gobiernos evadieran las nivelaciones. Ello hacía de la 20530 un anhelo para muchos, aunque fuera sólo por abrigar una esperanza de reajuste frente al permanente deterioro de las pensiones en razón del alza del costo de vida.

El fondo pensionario público empeoró con la imposición del sistema de AFP. Se trasladaron importantes fondos de jubilación a la administración privada, secando más el fondo público.

Fujimori reconoció una irrisoria deuda de unos 1,000 millones de dólares del Estado para con la Seguridad Social. Las AFP salieron con publicidad pagada por el Estado y fondos saneados. Pero constituyeron un sistema que nació sin garantizar siquiera una pensión básica mínima (hoy existe, equivalente al salario mínimo, porque el Estado paga la diferencia del monto al que no llega lo que rinda la AFP), impusieron cobros abusivos por la administración de los fondos y seguros en perjuicio de los afiliados (casi 3.5% del sueldo, sobre un 11.5% cotizado) sin garantizar siquiera un rendimiento mínimo legalmente fijado, y han manejado, en varios casos, inversiones con criterios cuestionables, al servicio de grupos de poder vinculados.

Cerrar definitivamente la 20530, y establecer que los jubilados bajo ese régimen deberán ajustarse a los límites de pensiones que el Estado establezca, sin que exista proyecto de Ley presentado -menos aún consensuado- sobre el nuevo régimen pensionario, genera múltiples problemas. No encara el conjunto del problema. Parece orientado exclusivamente a generar ahorro fiscal, reduciendo las pensiones superiores a S/.3,100 mensuales hasta ese monto, facilita congelarlas todas a futuro. Un ahorro que no se basa en eliminar a quienes indebidamente obtuvieron estas pensiones, eliminar privilegios absurdos o poner topes a los niveles más altos, sino que termina también con la nivelación automática sin ninguna obligación de ir mejorando las pensiones y reajustándolas siquiera al alza del costo de vida.

Por otro lado, no se determina el papel del Estado en el tema pensionario, manteniendo la tesis de que las pensiones se reajustan "cuando la situación económica y presupuestal lo permita". Como con Toledo, 50 soles el 2001. No se define un sistema de pensiones en que confluya lo público y lo privado, con garantías para los afiliados, costes adecuados y criterios que no se limiten a lo financiero, sino que reconozcan también un elemento de solidaridad social para los de menores ingresos y ajenos a trabajos formales. Sin una ley alternativa, se dejan en el vacío temas centrales para los pensionistas, permitiendo pensiones eternamente congeladas o forzar un éxodo a las AFP, que olvidan la solidaridad social en materia pensionaria y abusan con sus cobros.

Finalmente, se niega el principio de vigencia de los derechos legalmente adquiridos y de progresividad en materia de derechos sociales y laborales, que impide el retroceso ante lo alcanzado. Peor aun, se institucionaliza que no hay derechos adquiridos legalmente que sean estables en materia pensionaria o laboral. En cambio, los grupos de poder económico -que podrían tributar más para cubrir los problemas fiscales- mantienen sus intocables contratos de estabilidad tributaria y jurídica que garantizan sus privilegios. No se les toca ni con el pétalo de una rosa. ¿Regirá de inmediato cada ley que se promulgue para todos, como las regalías mineras para quienes tienen contratos de estabilidad tributaria? Veremos que unas son las reglas para los poderosos y otras para los humildes.

La republica, mayo 31, 2004

Otro cuestionado burgomaestre se ve obligado a
huir de su distrito, esta vez disfrazado de policía.
Asillo, Puno.-

Después de la crisis desarrollada en Ilave, un ambiente de inestabilidad e incertidumbre se vive ahora en el distrito de Asillo, provincia puneña de Azángaro (al norte de Puno), en donde los pobladores piden al alcalde Antolín Huaricacha Huaricacha que abandone el cargo, tras ser involucrado en una denuncia por malversación de fondos. Que deje el cargo y delegue sus funciones a su reemplazante, el primer regidor Eusebio Quispe Condori.

Antolín Huaricacha, en presencia del representante del Ministerio Público, se comprometió a ello, pero la población le exigió que firme un documento que confirme su decisión, hecho al cual se negó. Más de doscientos pobladores concentrados en la plaza principal demandaron a Huaricacha que retire a todos los trabajadores contratados en su gestión, y exigieron la inmediata intervención de la Contraloría General de la República para que precise las presuntas irregularidades cometidas en la gestión de la cuestionada autoridad edilicia.


Los diez policías que acompañaban a Huaricacha se lo llevaron rápidamente hasta la comisaría policial, para evitar cualquier incidente. Allí esperaron la noche para trasladarlo a la localidad de Azángaro, a unos 20 kilómetros de Asillo. Para evitar que el alcalde sea agredido por los pobladores, Huaricacha fue sacado de la comisaría disfrazado de policía.

LA REPUBLICA, mayo 31, 2004

Un centenar de dirigentes de las federaciones campesinas e indígenas del país, reunidos en la capital, exigieron la disolución de la Comisión Nacional de Pueblos Andinos, Amazónicos y Afroamericanos (Conapa).
Los dirigentes informaron también que continúan los problemas de titulación de tierras y el impacto ambiental negativo ocasionado por las compañías nacionales y transnacionales que operan en los diversos yacimientos mineros del país.

La republica, mayo 31, 2004

y sus ayayaeros en la PRENSA AMARILLA




Leamos el articulo de La Republica:

Nancy Obregón desconoce entendimientos a los que
llegaron Elsa Malpartida con el ministerio de Agricultura.

Visos de fraccionamiento al interior del gremio de cocaleros, que demandan la suspensión de la erradicación de la coca, se vislumbraron ayer cuando su principal dirigenta Nancy Obregón Peralta desautorizó públicamente a una líder de menor rango, Elsa Malpartida, quien en la víspera arribó a ciertos acuerdos verbales con el gobierno.
Obregón Peralta, subsecretaria general de la Confederación Nacional de Productores Agropecuarios de las Cuencas Cocaleras del País (Conpaccp), enmendó la plana a la secretaría de organización Elsa Malpartida Jara, por haber accedido a dialogar y ceder en algunos puntos de sus demandas con el ministerio de Agricultura y la Comisión Nacional para el Desarrollo y Vida sin Drogas del Perú (Devida).

Extrañada por la actitud asumida por su compañera, Obregón desconoció los tres aspectos que ambas partes se comprometieron a cumplir, aunque de por medio no existiera un acuerdo firmado: trabajo en conjunto para empadronar a los productores ilegales, reorganización de Devida y la dación de la ley de la coca.
"La cabeza (del gremio) soy yo. No estuve en esa reunión, por lo tanto no hay acuerdo que valga. (Malpartida) pisó el palito, pero nuestro gremio no va a ceder por esa estupidez (los acuerdos)", fustigó en tono enérgico Obregón, momentos antes de retornar a la selva central junto a miles de cocaleros que hace un mes llegaron a Lima en una marcha de sacrificio.

Fiel a su estilo confrontacional, sostuvo que se mantienen vigentes todas sus exigencias, como la suspensión de la erradicación de la hoja milenaria, la desactivación del organismo estatal encargado de este programa y la legalización de la coca.

Sobre el empadronamiento, que estaba previsto para hoy a través de una labor mancomunada con el ministerio de Agricultura, dijo que esto es un "engañamuchachos", pues únicamente podrá concretarse de existir de por medio la ley de la coca. "Esa norma aún no ha sido debatida y mucho menos votada por el Congreso, por lo tanto lo del empadronamiento es una mentira más del gobierno. Es una cortina de humo para decir a la opinión publica que ya ha sido resuelto nuestro problema", reiteró.


Quizá intimidada por la presión de las decenas de cocaleros que la rodeaban, Elsa Malparida se desdijo y aseguró que nunca llegó a un acuerdo verbal con el ministro José León Rivera y el presidente de Debida, Nils Ericsson Correa.

A pesar de que en la víspera dijo a la prensa que desistieron en su pedido de desactivación de Devida para dar paso a la reorganización, Malpartida señaló que nunca firmó un acuerdo en ese sentido. Se esmeró explicando que solo estarían de acuerdo con la reorganización de ese organismo en caso la administración de Alejandro Toledo accediera a legalizar la coca.


Indignado, el ministro de Agricultura José León rechazó las declaraciones de la dirigenta cocalera Elsa Malpartida, quien negó que haya arribado a entendimiento alguno con el gobierno. "Tengo sus declaraciones (de Malpartida) cuando acepta la forma de como hemos arribado a esta propuesta. Ahí están las grabaciones y cuando sean necesarias las mostraremos", advirtió, tras detallar que Malpartida aceptó que se haga un empadronamiento de los cocaleros para erradicar las 43 mil toneladas de coca que van al narcotráfico y solo dejar 9 mil que son las destinadas al uso industrial y al ancestral.


Los ajustes del gasto publico impuestos por el FMI para hacer possible el pago de los altos intereses de una deuda honerosa, choco con los intereses de servidores pubicos que usaron su funcion para beneficio personal. El gobierno prefiere meterle la mano (aunque suavecito y con guante de seda) a los privilegiados peruanos de la 20530, que ajustarle cuentas a las trasnacionales evasoras y a sus socios internos en la ADEX y la CCL.

Al decir que la reforma de la 20530 se hara en forma progresiva para no crear traumas y mas malestar, es abrirle una compuerta a la reforma para la contra-reforma y el continuismo, lo que podria ser agravado con los altos funcionarios de la actual mafia toledista que transitoriamente querran ingresar. Estas politicas a medias terminan siempre saboteando las buenas intenciones y al final todo deviene en un blef, en un simulacro.

Hay otros privilegiados a los que no se toca, los que tambien contribuyen al forado en el gasto publico y al deficit en e presupuesto nacional (buen pretexto para la irresponsable politica de mas y mas endeudamiento), ellos son los militares y el alto clero. Al igual que los altos funcionarios de Estado, los militares (mas privilegios si llegan a generales) tambien pueden jubilarse desde los 15 anios de servicio, con el 100% del ultimo sueldo y transferible para viudas, huerfanos e hijas solteras. Y el alto clero contribuye en forma similar desfalco de las arcas nacionales. Que hacen estos por la nacion? Nada digno de mencionar como trabajo productivo. A los militares se les paga por haraganear, hacer ejercicios, y mantenerse en linea, en caso sean llamados a matar peruanos realmente trabajadores. Y al alto clero por pajearse y mantener un celibato bamba que no incluye los encuentros de ultratumba con las monjas del convento Sta Catalina y similares.

Mientras tanto, el comun de los peruanos tiene que trabajar 65 anios para tener derecho a jubilacion y ni siquiera tienen derecho al ultimo sueldo sino que tienen un tope de S/857 soles sin derecho a ajustes por inflacion ni a nivelaciones automaticas como los de panza grende, los arriba mencionados.

Quienes hicieron possible esta injusticia en el Peru?. El APRA es el principal responsable de la distorcion y mal uso de la funcion publica. Antes de que lleguen al poder solo habian 30,000 privilegiados en la caja de pensiones de la 20530 y cuando salieron habian mas de 200,000. Solo el APRA salvara a los comechados, devino su lema de gobierno, y fraguaron 7 DS para legitimar este entuerto. Le siguen Accion Popular y Fujimori, en ese orden (Ver el art. de Javier Diez Canseco que reproducimos ayer). Continuismo, convivencia, Estado como botin, y corrupcion al por mayor, son los principios que unen a los partidos del llamado Acuerdo Nacional.

Y para colmo de colmos, estas cajas de pensiones fueron saqueadas cuantas veces les dio la gana a las mafias de los gobiernos respectivos. La ultima fue el desfalco de 175 millones de dollars por la mafia fuji-montesinos a la caja de pension militar-policial. Y la mas reciente, aunque no se sabe cuanto se van a robar con complicidad de Toledo, es la entrega de los fondos de pensionistas a las Aseguradoras extranjeras que ya trasladaron dollars a bancos de EU y estan listos para jugar a casino y ruleta con dinero que no es suyo.

La funcion publica es una escalera que sirve para trepar pisando las espaldas de honrados trabajadores del campo y la ciudad, que son quienes con sus impuestos afrontan los desfalcos y quiebras de esas cajas de pensiones. Y cuando los impuestos no alcanzan –como ahora que los ricos se declararon en huelga permanente para no pagar impuestos- se recurre al pendulo de nuevos endeudamientos con los que se amenaza cortar el cuello a las futuras generaciones. Total los ricos ni Toledo estaran en el Peru cuando eso ocurra.

EL COMERCIO, mayo31, 2004

La histórica votación del último miércoles, en la que 96 congresistas apostaron decididamente por modificar tres artículos de la Constitución, con el objeto de viabilizar una legislación pensionaria coherente y social, que supere antiguas y permanentes inequidades, deberá ser recordada como el primer paso que nuestra recuperada democracia dio para iniciar la tantas veces anunciada y esperada reforma del Estado.

La reforma, hay que reiterarlo, no afecta a la mayoría de pensionistas, pues las nuevas reglas pensionarias que el Congreso dicte no podrán prever la reducción del importe de las pensiones que sean inferiores a una unidad impositiva tributaria (actualmente en S/.3.200).

Ahora bien, ningún pensionista sujeto al Decreto Ley 19990 alcanza, ni siquiera lejanamente, dicho límite, pues la pensión máxima en ese régimen es de S/.1.200.

En lo que respecta a los pensionistas del Decreto Ley 20530, cuyas pensiones superan dicha cifra (que no son más del 3%), la nueva legislación contemplará topes, cuya aplicación será progresiva para evitar cambios traumáticos (a pesar de tratarse de pensiones que van entre los S/.3.200 y los S/.30.000), permitiendo que el ahorro presupuestal se destine a incrementar las pensiones más bajas.

En cuanto al efecto espejo, que en teoría permite la nivelación automática de la pensión con la remuneración de un activo del mismo nivel y categoría, y que está previsto para los pensionistas del Decreto Ley 20530, mas no para los del Decreto Ley 19990, en la práctica devino en una falsa ilusión o espejismo, pues ante la amarga realidad del permanente quebranto económico del tesoro público, se crearon mecanismos para burlarlo.
Natale Amprimo Congresista Somos Perú

Sunday, May 30, 2004



1. Reformar vs. reconstruir el Estado desde abajo

2. Que hay detras del miedo a los humala?

3. TLC: transparencia cero, pide el gobierno

4. Monopolios pugnan por puertos, advierte M Dammert

5. El costo laboral del TLC

6. Palo para unos y plata para otros x N Lynch

7. La caja de Pandora de la 20530 x Javier Diez Canseco

8. Sorprende entendimiento entre cocaleros y gobierno

9. Ministro corrupto de agricultura presento gastos por obras no hechas

10. Congreso aprueba Nuevo codigo electoral de Peru

11. La rata Cipriani abandona la barca toledista

12. SUTEP exige que se cambia el gobierno
El comercio,mayo 30, 2004

Los maestros del Sutep amenazan nuevamente con paralizar el año escolar. Su dirigencia acordó ayer suspender las clases el próximo 14 de julio y no descartó ir a una huelga nacional indefinida.

En esta ocasión sus motivación no tienen que ver con reivindicaciones laborales, sino que se han sumado al coro de voces que exige al presidente Alejandro Toledo la salida del poder.

En conferencia de prensa, el secretario general del Sutep, Nílver López, dijo que los profesores saldrán a las calles para exigir el cese de la gestión de Toledo, así como la convocatoria a una asamblea constituyente y nuevas elecciones generales.

"Con este régimen ya no hay nada que conversar. Queremos que se vaya", declaró López.

Su expresión marca el fin de una relación que se sembró en la lucha de los partidos políticos, gremios y colectivos de la sociedad civil contra la inconstitucional re-reelección de Alberto Fujimori en el 2000.

LA REPUBLICA, mayo 30, 2004

Comandados por Robert Huaynalaya Camposano, presidente del Comité Nacional de Reorientación y Reconstitución del Sutep, los delegados de 15 bases departamentales del magisterio decidieron iniciar una huelga nacional indefinida a partir del próximo 21 de junio.

Al culminar la segunda convención de dirigentes del Sutep, el propio Robert Huaynalaya, líder de la facción opositora a Nílver López, expuso a La República las razones de esta medida de fuerza. "Una vez más Nilver López ha traicionado al Sutep, al suscribir un acta en la que se compromete a implementar en el magisterio, la Ley General de la Educación 28044 que privatiza la educación en nuestro país".

En realidad, este anuncio muestra la división que enfrenta el gremio de maestros, pues durante el fin de semana hubo dos convenciones paralelas. Por un lado, muchas bases estuvieron concentradas en la sede del Sutep en la avenida Camaná, mientras que el sector representado por Huaynalaya se congregó en la Cooperativa Santa Elisa.
Cabe mencionar que el sector liderado por Nílver López descartó por el momento iniciar una huelga nacional indefinida, pero el otro grupo ya resolvió iniciar tal medida de fuerza a finales de junio.


Según Robert Huaynalaya, el objetivo de la huelga es lograr la derogatoria de la Ley de Educación que "pretende eliminar la gratuidad de la educación, perjudicando a 12 millones de escolares y que además pone en riesgo la estabilidad laboral de 320 mil docentes de todo el país. También exigimos el aumento de sueldo y el pago inmediato a los maestros contratados". Agregó que mediante la ley 28044 se ha creado el Instituto Nacional de Evaluación y Acreditación de Calidad Educativa, "que es una manera de legalizar los despidos masivos".

Huaynalaya Camposano insistió en sus cuestionamientos contra Nílver López porque en todas las negociaciones en las que ha participado, "lo primero que busca proteger es la autonomía de la Derrama Magisterial que ningún beneficio brinda a los maestros".


El secretario general del SUTEP, Nilvel López, señaló que en el Perú se vive un clima de inestabilidad, desgobierno y corrupción que amerita el cese del gobierno del presidente Alejandro Toledo.

"Se necesita la instalación de un gobierno de emergencia con la participación de diferentes fuerzas políticas que estén dentro y fuera del Congreso", sostuvo.
Comentó que falta definir si es que el gremio de docentes acuerda una huelga nacional indefinida, aunque aseguró la participación de los maestros afiliados al Sutep para la jornada de protesta del próximo 14 de julio que ha sido convocada por la CGTP.

La Republica, mayo 30, 2004

El presidente de la CGTP, Mario Huamán, sostuvo que la movilización prevista para el próximo 14 de julio es democrática y tiene plena justificación debido a que el gobierno ha incumplido la gran mayoría de sus promesas.

"Toledo debería abocarse a solucionar la crisis actual porque estamos a casi tres años del gobierno y cada vez se profundiza más la crisis en todos los aspectos", comentó.
Agregó que se está elaborando una plataforma amplia de demandas que represente los intereses genuinos de los trabajadores, "quienes van a expresar un profundo rechazo al presidente Toledo".








EL COMERCIO, mayo 30, 2004

Monseñor Cipriani reiteró que fue un ataque contra su persona y la Iglesia
Si bien el cardenal Juan Luis Ciprinia ha expresado su perdón al embajador del Perú en España, Fernando Olivera, por haber llevado hasta el Vaticano -cuando era ministro de Justicia- cartas falsas con el fin de desprestigiarlo, cuando el tema se pone nuevamente sobre el tapete, el purpurado recuerda que tal actitud fue "un golpe bajo muy fuerte".
Asimismo, el cardenal Cipriani hizo un escueto diagnóstico de la actual coyuntura de marchas y movilizaciones en los siguientes términos: "Nos falta paz y apelamos a la violencia, porque sentimos que nos engañan o engañamos a las demás. Uno siente que hay algo muy sagrado que se ha roto: la verdad".


El Comercio, mayo 30, 2004

El presidente de la Comisión de Constitución explica la eliminación del voto preferencial y destaca que el futuro código electoral supera aquello de que las FF.AA. son las garantías del sistema político

Durante la sesión plenaria del miércoles, el presidente de la Comisión de Constitución del Congreso, Natale Amprimo Plá (Somos Perú), se paseaba -casi desapercibidamente- por los escaños de las distintas bancadas con un voluminoso fólder de casi cien páginas, para que sus otros colegas integrantes de ese grupo de trabajo estamparan su firma de lo que a partir de las 12:40 p.m. de ese día sería conocido como el primer código electoral del Perú en 183 años de vida republicana.

El proyecto de código electoral es para unificar la legislación electoral dispersa o modifica las reglas de juego electorales vigentes?
Yo diría que implica las dos cosas. Se debe dictar el código electoral porque es necesario articular ladispersa legislación electoral, para profundizar las reformas que trajo la Ley de Partidos Políticos e introducir modificaciones sustanciales al sistema electoral. En general, se trata de una revisión en un año que no es electoral, que permite discutir con amplitud y llegar a entendimientos en un tema crucial para tener un sistema electoral claro y transparente.

Se elimina el voto preferencial en el proyecto?
En la propuesta que tenemos está planteada su eliminación y eso va a generar un amplio debate.

Acaso el voto preferencial no permite que sea el ciudadano el que elija a su autoridad para que esta no sea impuesta por la cúpula partidaria?
Yo, que soy un parlamentario elegido gracias al voto preferencial, siempre he sido contrario a él porque genera enfrentamientos dentro de las fuerzas políticas. Si no hubiera voto preferencial las discusiones serían programáticas, ideológicas y de temas centrales, y no en ofertas que nadie puede cumplir. No olvidemos que la Ley de Partidos Políticos contempla las elecciones internas y no habría sentido del voto preferencial.

Qué otros aspectos regula el código electoral?
Se aclara, por ejemplo, el tema de la inhabilitación para postular cuando el Congreso ha declarado esa inhabilitación política, los deberes y derechos de los ciudadanos; se precisan las funciones de los organismos electorales en el curso del proceso electoral; también define el proceso electoral con cada una de las etapas, desde la convocatoria, el presupuesto, la organización del proceso, sobre la presentación de candidatos, los personeros, el material electoral, la capacitación electoral, la campaña electoral, fija cómo se instalan las mesas de sufragio, el escrutinio, las garantías electorales, entre otros.

Qué novedades trae este proyecto de código para espantar al fantasma del fraude electoral?
Se reduce el número de mesas de votación. Actualmente, en cada mesa de sufragio votan no más de 200 electores. Ahora se plantea que vayan 400 ciudadanos a votar por cada mesa y eso va a ayudar mucho porque del saque los partidos políticos van a requerir una menor cantidad de personeros y habrá mayor fiscalización y control para que se respete el sentido del voto ciudadano, porque las cédulas de votación se destruyen en cada mesa.

Hoy en día seis de cada diez peruanos detesta participar en política. ¿Cómo se puede corregir este descreimiento?
Eso está más en la nueva ley de participación ciudadana, que a partir de mañana lunes será discutida en la Comisión de Constitución. Por ejemplo, para pedir la revocatoria el número de firmas será menor (hoy se exige el 25% de firmas). Se regula el mecanismo de la rendición de cuentas, que es un mecanismo poco utilizado. De nada sirve que el Congreso dicte un conjunto de leyes si la ciudadanía no está dispuesta a participar, porque si algo nos demostraron las encuestas fue que el 65% de la población señalaba no estar interesada en temas públicos.

Las Fuerzas Armadas seguirán teniendo copia del acta electoral en las futuras elecciones?
Justamente el proyecto del código electoral señala cuatro actas electorales que serán entregadas por los miembros de la mesa de votación de esta manera: una a la Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales, otra al Jurado Nacional de Elecciones, otra al Jurado Electoral Especial y otra que conserva la Oficina Descentralizada de Procesos Electorales más aquellas constancias que los personeros puedan tener. Se ha superado aquello de que las Fuerzas Armadas son las garantes del sistema político.

Se acabará con esa guerrita que a veces protagonizan el Jurado Nacional de Elecciones y la Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales?
Se modifican las leyes orgánicas de ambas entidades. Se ratifica que la ONPE es la institución encargada de organizar el proceso electoral y el JNE interviene como una instancia jurisdiccional en el sentido de que, ante cualquier impugnación por un acto que realice la ONPE, el JNE tiene la última palabra. Los peruanos no queremos seguir viendo que la ONPE tenga su propio sistema de cómputo y el Jurado Nacional de Elecciones también, duplicando funciones y presupuestos. La reforma busca precisar claramente cuáles son las competencias de cada organismo del sistema electoral.

Nos conviene que el voto ciudadano continúe siendo obligatorio o que sea voluntario?
Siempre he pensado teóricamente que el voto sea voluntario, porque es un derecho, pero creo que en países como el nuestro, donde no hay una sólida cultura cívica de parte de la ciudadanía, el fijar que el voto no sea obligatorio originaría un clima de inestabilidad. Tenga presente que si nuestros gobernantes muchas veces no tienen amplia aceptación, enfrentarían una mayor reacción por parte de la población si hubieran sido elegidos con el voto voluntario. El voto obligatorio, por el momento, debe continuar. JORGE SALDAÑA


1. En la actualidad se encuentran vigentes las siguientes leyes orgánicas: De Elecciones, de Elecciones Municipales, de Elecciones Regionales, de los Derechos de Control y Participación Ciudadana que comprende el referéndum y otras consultas populares, además de revocatoria de autoridades de Elección de Jueces de Paz, del Jurado Nacional de Elecciones, de la Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales y del Registro Nacional de Identidad y Estado Civil, de Bases de la Descentralización, de Gobiernos Regionales y Municipalidades; así como la Ley de Demarcación Territorial y sus normas reglamentarias y el Tratado Constitutivo del Parlamento Andino. A ello debe sumarse la enorme cantidad de resoluciones del Jurado Nacional de Elecciones.
2. La promulgación de un Código Electoral permitirá dar solidez a la reforma iniciada con la Ley de Partidos Políticos. Para no caer en reglamentarismo, solo se regulan las disposiciones que requieren estar establecidas por ley. Las otras normas serán reguladas por las disposiciones reglamentarias de los organismos electorales.

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